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Brown, as part of her job at the Greenwood Cultural Center, has been interviewing survivors of the massacre for more than 20 years. In 1996, the year she started there, the organization identified 162 survivors. In a room off to the side of the centers main Black Wall Street exhibit, glossy black and white photographs of Greenwood residents, now aged and somber, are placed above their recollections of the event that upended their childhoods. The riot cheated us out of our childhood innocence, said Beulah Loree Keenan Smith, born in 1908. My mother lost everything she owned, said Thelma Thurman Knight, born in 1915. That riot was like a first war experience for me, said World War II veteran Joe Burns, born in 1917. The research into exactly what happened that night in Tulsa is ongoing the week I visited, Brown was going out to interview a previously unidentified person who had lived through the horror of 1921. My real is telling the history, she says. I simply do it to honor those survivors, knowing what they went through. She remembers taking a group of survivors to Oklahoma City in 2001, when the Tulsa Race Riot Commission was determining whether victims should be compensated. Much of the media coverage of the time fixated on how much money the survivors might get, but some of Greenwoods residents had a perspective that stuck with her.

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G. Orshansky specified that to accelerate the process it was necessary to create conditions for the Jews such that they could consider themselves as free citizens of a free civilized country. The above mentioned Lev Levanda, a Jewish scholar living under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Vilnius, then wrote: I will become a Russian patriot only when the Jewish Question is resolved conclusively and satisfactory. A modern Jewish author who experienced the long and bitter 20th century and then had finally emigrated to Israel, replied to him looking back across the chasm of a century: Levanda does not notice that one cannot lay down conditions to Motherland. She must be loved unconditionally, without conditions or pre conditions; she is loved simply because she is the Mother. This stipulation under conditions was extremely consistently maintained by the Russian Jewish intelligentsia for one hundred years, though in all other respects they were ideal RussiansAnd yet in the described period only small and isolated groups of Jewry became integrated into Russian civil society; moreover, it was happening in the larger commercial and industrial centers leading to the appearance of an exaggerated notion about victorious advance of the Russian language deep into Jewish life, all the while the wide Jewish masses were untouched by the new trends isolated not only from the Russian society but from the Jewish intelligentsia as well. In the 1860s and 1870s, the Jewish people en masse were still unaffected by assimilation, and the danger of the Jewish intelligentsia breaking away from the Jewish masses was real. In Germany, Jewish assimilation went smoother as there were no Jewish popular masses there the Jews were better off socially and did not historically live in such crowded enclaves. However, as early as the end of the 1860s, some members of the Jewish intelligentsia began voicing opposition to such a conversion of Jewish intellectuals into simple Russian patriots. Perets Smolensky was the first to speak of this in 1868: that assimilation with the Russian character is fraught with national danger for the Jews; that although education should not be feared, it is necessary to hold on to the Jewish historical past; that acceptance of the surrounding national culture still requires perservation of the Jewish national character; and that the Jews are not a religious sect, but a nation. So if the Jewish intelligentsia withdraws from its people, the latter would never liberate itself from administrative oppression and spiritual stupor.

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Nature, 4286985, 854 856. doi:10. 1038/nature02467Spatial interactions in brightness perception are well known1,2 but provide an incomplete description; the TCE shows that brightness is inuenced by temporal context as well. Our results further show a surprising juxtaposition of facts: rst, that information encoded about the brightness of stimuli changes over time, such that the appearance of physically identical brief ashes compared to a persisting long ash varies as a function of stimulus onset asynchrony Fig. 1c; and yet, second, the perceived brightness of a long ash remains constant over time Fig. 2a. 8 oz. Paper Hot Cups with Ancient Greek motifs and wood swizzle sticks, 2009 3. 5" x 3" dia, R. D. Enterprises, College Point, New York; machine manufactured of paper with ink and plastic coating.